Sunday, January 8, 2012

Plantations and Degradation: Slave Societies in North America, Berlin Part II


In Part I of his book Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America, Ira Berlin discussed the ways Atlantic Creoles, highly cultured peoples of mixed race, shaped the first generation of African slaves in mainland North America. Part II moved forward chronologically and focused on the Creoles’ successors: the plantation generation. Berlin argued that the plantation institution spread and led to the degradation of black life in North America. Berlin’s argument focused on the transition from what he termed societies with slaves into slave societies. He claimed that this transition differed according to individual situations, and was perhaps most pronounced in the Chesapeake region and the Lowcountry of South Carolina, followed by a unique transition in the North. The Lower Mississippi Valley, according to Berlin, moved in the opposite direction from the other regions: from a slave society back to a society with slaves. The various forms this transition embodied, in connection with individual situations, were comparable to the various effects of the Glorious Revolution on the different colonies.
            Atlantic Creoles permeated societies with slaves, which Berlin defined as societies that utilize slavery but are not economically and socially dependent upon it as an institution. Creoles were able to use their social and cultural experience to better their situation, some to the point of freedom. Their successors were not so lucky. The next generation worked harder and died earlier. Family life was nearly non-existent and they were unable to connect to or understand Christianity, the dominant religion of the white society they found themselves in. The new generation had little opportunity for their own economic interests, a privilege common to their Creole predecessors. All of these indicators of social degradation were reflected in the names they were given by their Planter or Master.[1]
            Planters transformed the society with slaves into a slave society. Slave societies, according to Berlin, are societies that rely heavily upon slavery for the stability of its economic and social structures. These Planters defined race by social status to a greater extent than had ever been done before. They changed the landscape, social classes and relationships, and centers of financial stability. At first, the Planters did not care much about who they enslaved. It was only as Europeans moved Native American tribes farther and farther inland that slavery began to focus solely on Africans. Soon the term “Negro” became synonymous with “slave.” What set apart plantations was its peculiar social order. Nearly one-hundred percent of the gains went to the Planter and nothing went to the slaves. Masters ran their plantations according to the “art of domination.” Slaves had to be in awe of their “metaphorical father,” who incited that awe with systematic and relentless force.[2]
            The Tobacco Revolution brought about the transition into a slave society in the Chesapeake region of Virginia and Maryland. Following Nathaniel Bacon’s rebellion, Planters consolidated their control throughout the region. They instigated slave codes that made slave status hereditary and restricted slaves’ freedoms and prerogatives. The codes created a “mudsill,” which refers to a hypothetical barrier placing any white person above any black person in any and every situation. There was little room for ambition, and the once-vital slave economy withered. Planters imported high numbers of male slaves and stripped them of their identity, constantly increasing the “apparatus of coercion” to demoralize the workers. Slaves who worked in Chesapeake plantations experienced harder work regimens, more days, longer hours, and closer supervision than their Creole Predecessors.[3]
            The Rice Revolution in the lowlands of South Carolina and Georgia was only a small step behind the Tobacco Revolution of the Chesapeake. Similar to the situation in Chesapeake plantations, a rapid increase in demand for rice and indigo led to increased importation of slaves from the Inland of Africa. Increased importation led to massive degradation, both of which far surpassed that of the Chesapeake. The slave society overtook the society with slaves. The lowlands had a black majority: roughly two-to-one in most areas and as high as three-to-one in others. Slaves lived in large units and worked the brutal and tedious cycle of rice and indigo production. Much like their counterparts in the Chesapeake, slaves in the lowlands lost their identities on the plantation.[4] Unlike the North, Chesapeake, and the Lower Mississippi Valley regions, Africanization in the lowlands—the combination of African cultures into the established culture of the plantation—was not a short generation, but lasted a full century.[5]
            The North, according to Berlin, did not experience a plantation revolution akin to those of the Chesapeake and the lowlands. The North transformed rather slowly and unevenly. The transition was much less complete than in the South, and it took place mostly in the urban centers of the Middle Colonies. The number of indentured servants arriving from Europe decreased, thus increasing the importance of the slave labor force.[6] Both the urban elite and the middling sorts held slaves in the North. Slaves transitioned from household tasks artisanry. This important transformation changed the face of slavery in the North. Similar to their southern counterparts, northern slaves became indispensable to the economy. Slave families were unlikely, as mortality rates rose sharply and fertility dropped significantly. Berlin noted that though it was not quite a slave society, it was no longer merely a society with slaves either, leaving the North in a very unique position.[7]
            Berlin claimed that the plantation revolution barely affected the Lower Mississippi Valley. The Louisiana colony already attempted to establish a plantation regime that was at this point coming unraveled. Importation of slaves stopped and the colony devolved from a slave society to a society with slaves. As the plantation economy failed, the slave economy flourished. Slaves inched up the social ladder. Planters knew they needed indigenous population growth for the economy to survive, and the harsh regime mellowed. Slaves built connections through economic and social pursuits that would make life easier at the moment, and their own in the future. Plantation slaves reverted back to the Creole traditions of the charter generation.[8]
            The various ways in which the plantation revolution affected the colonies according to individual circumstances were comparable to the colonies’ various reactions to the news of the Glorious Revolution in Britain. After Prince William of Orange took the throne from the Catholic King James II, British colonies in America each reacted differently. In Maryland Catholics had been supported, though they were a minority. The majority protested, and the colony became a Royal Colony with the Anglican Church as the established religion. In Massachusetts, a mob imprisoned King James’ royal governor along with twenty-five other men and re-established its old form of representative government, though their beloved “Holy Experiment” was over. In New York, after hearing the news of the Dutch Prince William coming to the throne, a Dutchman organized a militia and took over the government. He clamped down very hard on the people before making a very poor decision to attack another colony. The Dutchman was tried and executed by a royal representative. Each of these reactions to the news of revolution was very different because of the social, political, and religious differences among them.[9]
            The colonies’ transitions to slave societies and their reactions to the Glorious Revolution took different forms from one another, largely due to social, economic, and religious variation among and within them. The plantation generation made a major impact on the Chesapeake region and Lowlands of South Carolina, while only affecting the slave society of the North indirectly. Slave societies in the Lower Mississippi Valley devolved in the exact opposite direction from the Chesapeake and the Lowlands. Berlin argued that the common thread throughout each region was the general degradation of slave life that accompanied the transition from a society with slaves to a slave society.  Though the Creole societies faded behind the plantation, they would not be forgotten. The tools used by the charter generations would again be employed as slave societies transformed into free societies.


[1] Ira Berlin, Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America, (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1998), 95-96.
[2] Berlin, 96-98.
[3] Berlin, 109-117.
[4] Berlin, 142-152.
[5] Berlin, 171.
[6] Berlin, 177-178.
[7] Berlin, 179-187.
[8] Berlin, 195-207.
[9] Class discussion, 11/7/11.

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